Monarchy of Spain | Wikipedia audio article
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Monarchy of Spain | Wikipedia audio article

September 12, 2019

The monarchy of Spain (Spanish: Monarquía
de España), constitutionally referred to as The Crown (Spanish: La Corona), is a constitutional
institution and historic office of Spain. The monarchy comprises the reigning monarch,
his or her family, and the royal household organization which supports and facilitates
the monarch in the exercise of his duties and prerogatives. The Spanish monarchy is currently represented
by King Felipe VI, Queen Letizia, and their daughters Leonor, Princess of Asturias, and
Infanta Sofía. The Spanish Constitution of 1978 re-established
a constitutional monarchy as the form of government for Spain. The 1978 constitution affirmed the role of
the King of Spain as the personification and embodiment of the Spanish State and a symbol
of Spain’s enduring unity and permanence. Constitutionally, the king is the head of
state and commander-in-chief of the Spanish Armed Forces. The constitution codifies the use of royal
styles and titulary, royal prerogatives, hereditary succession to the crown, compensation, and
a regency-guardianship contingency in cases of the monarch’s minority or incapacitation. According to the constitution, the monarch
is also instrumental in promoting relations with the “nations of its historical community”. The King of Spain serves as the president
of the Ibero-American States Organization, purportedly representing over 700,000,000
people in twenty-four member nations worldwide. In 2008, King Juan Carlos I was considered
the most popular leader in all Ibero-America.The Spanish monarchy has its roots in the Visigothic
Kingdom founded in Spain and Aquitania in the 5th century, and its Christian successor
states which fought the Reconquista following the Umayyad invasion of Hispania in the 8th
century. A dynastic marriage between Isabella I of
Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon united Spain in the 15th century. The last pretender of the Crown of the Byzantine
Empire, Andreas Palaiologos, sold his imperial title to Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella
I of Castile before his death in 1502.The Spanish Empire became one of the first global
powers as Isabella and Ferdinand funded Christopher Columbus’s exploratory voyage across the Atlantic
Ocean. This led to the discovery of America, which
became the focus of Spanish colonization. In 2018, the budget for the Spanish monarchy
was 7.9 million euros, one of the lowest public expenditures for the institution of monarchy
in Europe.==History==The monarchy in Spain has its roots in the
Visigothic Kingdom and its Christian successor states of Navarre, Asturias (later Leon and
Castille) and Aragon, which fought the Reconquista or Reconquest of the Iberian peninsula following
the Umayyad invasion of Hispania in the 8th century. One of the earliest influential dynasties
was the House of Jiménez which united much of Christian Iberia under its leadership in
the 11th century. From Sancho III of Navarre (r. 1000–1035)
until Urraca of León and Castile (r.1106–1125), members of the Jiménez family claimed the
historic Visigothic title Imperator totius Hispaniae or Emperor of All Spain. The Jiménez rulers sought to bring their
kingdoms into the European mainstream and often engaged in cross-Pyrenees alliances
and marriages, and became patrons to Cluniac Reforms (c. 950–c.1130). Urraca’s son and heir Alfonso VII of León
and Castile, the first of the Spanish branch of the Burgundy Family, was the last to claim
the imperial title of Spain, but divided his empire among his sons. The Castilian Civil War (1366 to 1369) ended
with the death of King Peter (r. 1334–1369) at the hands of his illegitimate half-brother
Henry, 1st Count of Trastámara who ruled as Henry II (r. 1369–1379). Henry II became the first of the House of
Trastámara to rule over a Spanish kingdom. King Peter’s heiress, his granddaughter Catherine
of Lancaster, married Henry III, reuniting the dynasties in the person of their son,
King John II.===Marital union of the Catholic Monarchs
===In the 15th century, the marriage between
Isabella I of Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon, both members of the House of Trastámara,
known as the Catholic Monarchs, united two important kingdoms of the Iberian peninsula. Each kingdom retained its basic structure. In 1492 the Catholic Monarchs conquered the
Kingdom of Granada in southern Spain, the last Muslim territory in the Iberian peninsula. This date marks the unification of Spain. The territories of the Spanish empire overseas
were dependencies of the crown of Castile, and Castile had an outsize influence there. Following the Spanish explorations and settlement
in the Caribbean, Spanish conquest of Mexico and the Spanish conquest of Peru, the crown
established high courts (Audiencias) in important regions and viceroyalties (Mexico, 1535; Peru,
1542) with the viceroy (vice-king) and the Audiencias the effective administrators of
royal policy.===Habsburg monarchy===In the early 16th century, the Spanish monarchy
controlled several territories in Europe under the Habsburg King Charles I (also Holy Roman
Emperor as Charles V), son of Queen Joanna of Castile. His reign ushered in the Spanish Golden Age
(1492–1659) a period of great colonial expansion and trade. In 1700, Charles II was the last of the Spanish
Habsburgs.===Bourbon Monarchy===With the death of the childless Charles II,
the succession to the throne was disputed. Charles II had designated his sister Maria
Theresa’s grandson, Philip of France, Duke of Anjou, as his heir. The possible unification of Spain with France,
the two big European powers at the time, sparked the Spanish War of Succession in the 18th
century, culminating in the treaties of Utrecht (1713) and Rastatt (1714) which preserved
the European balance of power. In the mid-eighteenth century, particularly
under Charles III of Spain, the Spanish crown embarked on an ambitious and far reaching
project to implement major reforms in the administration of Spain and the Spanish empire. These changes, collectively known as the Bourbon
Reforms attempted to rationalize administration and produce more revenue from its overseas
empire.Philip V was the first member of the House of Bourbon (Spanish: Borbón) to rule
Spain, the dynasty that still rules today under Felipe VI. During the Napoleonic Wars, the French Emperor
Napoleon Bonaparte forced Ferdinand VII to abdicate in 1808 and the Bourbons became a
focus of popular resistance against French rule. However, Ferdinand’s rejection of the liberal
Spanish Constitution of 1812, his ministerial appointments, particularly the exclusion of
liberals, gradually eroded popular support for the Spanish monarchy. With the Pragmatic Sanction of 1830, Ferdinand
set aside the Salic Law, introduced by Philip V, that prohibited women from becoming sovereigns
of Spain. Thereby, as had been customary before the
arrival of the Bourbons, the Ferdinand VII’s eldest daughter Isabella became his heiress
presumptive. Opponents of the Pragmatic Sanction argued
that it was never officially promulgated, claiming Ferdinand VII’s younger brother,
Prince Carlos, the rightful heir to the crown according to the Salic Law.===First Spanish Republic===In September 1873 the First Spanish Republic
was founded. A coup d’état restored the Bourbon dynasty
to the throne in 1874.===Second Spanish Republic and Regime of
Francisco Franco===In 1931 local and municipal elections produced
victories (particularly in urban areas) for candidates favoring an end to the monarchy
and the establishment of a republic. Faced with unrest in the cities, Alfonso XIII
went into exile, but did not abdicate. The ensuing provisional government evolved
into the relatively short-lived Second Spanish Republic. The Spanish Civil War began in 1936 and ended
on 1 April 1939 with the victory of General Francisco Franco and his coalition of allied
organizations commonly referred to as the Nationalists. Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany aided Franco
in the Spanish Civil War. A British MI6 Operative flew Franco from the
Canary Islands to Spanish North Africa to take over the Spanish Legion. Stalinist Russia backed the Republican Government. After sixteen years without monarchy or kingdom,
in 1947, Spain was made a Kingdom again by General Franco, who claimed to rule Spain
as Head of state of the Kingdom of Spain through the Law of Succession. However, without a king on the throne, he
ruled through a coalition of allied organizations from the Spanish Civil War including, but
not limited to, the Falange political party, the supporters of the Bourbon royal family,
and the Carlists, until his death in 1975.===Re-establishment of the Monarchy===
Despite Franco’s alliance with the Carlists, Franco appointed Juan Carlos I de Borbón
as his successor, who is credited with presiding over Spain’s transition from dictatorship
to democracy by fully endorsing political reforms. Impatient with the pace of democratic reforms,
the new king, known for his formidable personality, dismissed Carlos Arias Navarro and appointed
the reformer Adolfo Suárez as President of the Government in 1977.The next year the king
signed into law the new liberal democratic Constitution of Spain, which was approved
by 88% of voters. Juan Carlos’ “quick wit and steady nerve”
cut short the attempted military coup in 1981 when the king used a specially designed command
communications center in the Zarzuela Palace to denounce the coup and command the military’s
eleven captains general to stand down.Following the events of 1981, Juan Carlos led a less
eventful life, according to author John Hooper. Juan Carlos did not preside over ceremonies
such as the opening of hospitals and bridges as often as monarchs in other nations. Instead, he worked towards establishing reliable
political customs when transitioning one government administration to another, emphasizing constitutional
law and protocol, and representing the Spanish State domestically and internationally, all
the while aiming to maintain a professionally non-partisan yet independent monarchy.==The Crown, constitution, and royal prerogatives
==The historic Crown of Spain, (la Corona de
España) with its roots in the Visigothic kingdom from the 5th century and subsequent
successor states, is recognized in Title II The Crown, Articles 56 through 65 of the Spanish
Constitution of 1978. Constitutionally the monarch embodies and
personifies the unity and permanence of the Spanish State, and represents the legal personality
of the State and by extension fulfills the role of “Father of the Nation”. As a unifying figure for the nation, in 2010
King Juan Carlos worked towards “bridging the gap” between Spain’s rival polarized
political parties to develop a unified strategy in response to the country’s on-going late-2000s
economic crisis.According to the Spanish Constitution voted in referendum, the sovereignty power
emanates from the people, so it’s the very same people who give the king the power to
reign: National sovereignty belongs to the Spanish
people, from whom all State powers emanate. The monarch “arbitrates and moderates the
regular functioning of the institutions” and assumes the highest representation of the
Spanish State in international relations. The monarch exercises the functions expressly
conferred on him by the constitution and the laws. The King is Head of State, the symbol of its
unity and permanence. He arbitrates and moderates the regular functioning
of the institutions, assumes the highest representation of the Spanish State in international relations,
especially with the nations of its historical community, and exercises the functions expressly
conferred on him by the Constitution and the laws. Upon accession to the crown and being proclaimed
before the Cortes Generales, the king swears an oath to faithfully carry out his constitutional
duties and to abide by the constitution and laws of the state. Additionally, the constitution gives the king
the added responsibility to ensure that the constitution is obeyed. Lastly, the king swears to respect the rights
of Spanish citizens and of the self-governing communities. The Prince of Asturias, upon reaching the
age of majority, in addition to any regent(s) upon assuming the office, swears the same
oath as that of the king along with a further oath of loyalty to the monarch. (1) The King, on being proclaimed before the
Cortes Generales, will swear to faithfully carry out his duties, to obey the Constitution
and the laws and ensure that they are obeyed, and to respect the rights of the citizens
and the Self-governing Communities (2) The Crown Prince, on coming of age, and
the Regent or Regents, on assuming office, will swear the same oath as well as that of
loyalty to the King. The oath reads as follows: The 1978 Constitution, Title II The Crown,
Article 62, delineates the powers of the king, while Title IV Government and Administration,
Article 99, defines the king’s role in government. Title VI Judicial Power, Article 117, Articles
122 through 124, outlines the king’s role in the country’s independent judiciary. However, by constitutional convention established
by Juan Carlos I, the king exercises his prerogatives having solicited government advice while maintaining
a politically non-partisan and independent monarchy. Receiving government advice does not necessarily
bind the monarch into executing the advice, except where prescribed by the constitution. His acts shall always be countersigned in
the manner established in section 64. Without such countersignature they shall not
be valid, except as provided under section 65(2) It is incumbent upon the King: a. To sanction and promulgate the laws
b. To summon and dissolve the Cortes Generales
and to call for elections under the terms provided for in the Constitution. c. To call for a referendum in the cases provided
for in the Constitution. e. To appoint and dismiss members of the Government
on the President of the Government’s proposal. f. To issue the decrees approved in the Council
of Ministers, to confer civil and military honours and distinctions in conformity with
the law. g. To be informed of the affairs of State and,
for this purpose, to preside over the meetings of the Council of Ministers whenever, he sees
fit, at the President of the Government’s request. h. To exercise supreme command of the Armed Forces
i. To exercise the right of clemency in accordance
with the law, which may not authorize general pardons. j. To exercise the High Patronage of the Royal
Academies.===Styles, titles, and the Fount of Honour
===The 1978 constitution confirms the title of
the monarch is the King of Spain, but that he may also use other titles historically
associated with the Crown.According to Royal Decree 1368/1987, regulating the titles, treatments
and honours of the royal family and the regents, the king and his wife, the queen consort,
will formally be addressed as “His Majesty and Her Majesty” (Their Majesties, Spanish:
Su Majestad, Su represents His or Her) rather than the traditional “Catholic Majesty” (Su
Católica Majestad). A prince consort, the husband of a queen regnant,
will have the style “His Royal Highness” (Su Alteza Real). The widows and widowers of monarchs are to
retain these styles until they remarry. The heir from birth shall hold the title of
Prince of Asturias and the other titles historically associated with the heir apparent. These additional titles include Prince of
Viana, historically associated with the heir apparent to the Kingdom of Navarre; with the
titles Prince of Girona and Duke of Montblanc historically associated with the heir apparent
for the Crown of Aragon, among others. Other children of the monarch, and the children
of the heir apparent, shall have the title and rank of Infante or Infanta (prince or
princess), and styled His or Her Royal Highness (Su Alteza Real). Children of an Infante or Infanta of Spain
“shall have the consideration of Spanish Grandees”, and the address of “Your Excellency”. The royal decree further limits the ability
of any regent to use or create titles during the minority or incapacitation of a monarch. No further constitutional language prescribes
titles or forms of address to the fourth generation, or great grandchildren, of a reigning monarch. Following his abdication in 2014, Juan Carlos
I and his wife Sofía retain courtesy titles of King and Queen of Spain.The monarch’s position
as the fount of honour within Spain is codified in Article 62 (f); It is incumbent upon the
monarch to “[…] confer civil and military positions and award honors and distinctions
in conformity of the law”. According to the Spanish Ministry of Justice,
nobility and grandee titles are created by the “sovereign grace of the king”, and may
be passed on to the recipient’s heirs, who may not sell the title. Titles may revert to the Crown when their
vacancy is observed. Succession of titles may follow one of several
courses listed on the Title of Concession when the title is created. As a general rule, most titles are now inherited
by absolute Cognatic Primogeniture (as of 2006), in which the first born inherits all
titles regardless of gender. However, a title holder may designate his
successor, Succession by Assignment, or disperse his titles among his children – with the
eldest getting the highest-ranking title, Succession by Distribution. During his reign between 1975 and 2014, King
Juan Carlos awarded peerages to two of his former prime ministers who had retired from
active politics: Adolfo Suárez, who was created 1st Duke of Suárez; and Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo
who was created 1st Marquess of la Ría de Ribadeo. All successive politicians remain active within
politics. The king grants not only military and civil
orders, but also grants awards of distinction, customarily on the advice of government. The most distinguished order the king may
award is the Order of Charles III to “citizens who, with their effort, initiative and work,
have brought a distinguished and extraordinary service to the Nation”. The Laureate Cross of Saint Ferdinand is Spain’s
highest military award for gallantry. Other historic awards and distinctions include
the Spanish Order of the Golden Fleece, the Order of Isabella the Catholic, the Order
of Alfonso X, the Royal and Military Order of Saint Hermenegild, the Order of Saint Raimundo
de Penafort, the Order of Military Merit, the Order of Naval Merit, the Order of Aerial
Merit, the Order of Civil Merit, the Order of Cultural Merit, the Order of Calatrava,
the Order of the Knights of Santiago, the Order of Sant Jordi d’Alfama, and the Order
of Alcántara, among others.===Inviolablity and lèse majesté===
The Spanish monarch is personally immune from prosecution for acts committed by government
ministers in the king’s name. This legal convention mirrors the concept
of sovereign immunity which evolved in similar constitutional monarchies. The legal concept of sovereign immunity evolved
into other aspects of immunity law in similar liberal democracies, such as parliamentary
immunity, judicial immunity, and qualified immunity in the United States. The Person of the King of Spain is inviolable
and shall not be held accountable. His acts shall always be countersigned in
the manner established in section 64. Without such countersignature they shall not
be valid, except as provided under section 65(2). The concept of lèse majesté (lesa majestad)
exists in Spanish jurisprudence, which is the crime or offense violating the dignity
of the head-of-state or the State itself. According to Article 56 of the 1978 Constitution
the monarch and the dignity of the Spanish State are one and the same: “The King is Head
of State, the symbol of its unity and permanence”. Breaching Spain’s lèse majesté laws may
carry fines and up to two years in prison. The concept is within the same legal sphere
as legislation prohibiting flag desecration in other democratic countries. Additionally, lèse majesté extends to any
foreign heads-of-state visiting Spain, and other members of the royal family, and to
the Spanish President of the Government as the king’s appointed officer. The Spanish satirical magazine El Jueves was
fined for violation of Spain’s lèse majesté laws after publishing an issue with a caricature
of the Prince and Princess of Asturias engaging in sexual intercourse on their cover in 2007. In 2008, 400 Catalonia separatists burned
images of the king and queen in Madrid, and in 2009 two Galician separatists were fined
for burning effigies of the king.===Succession and regency===According to Article 57 the Crown of Spain
is inherited by the successors of King Juan Carlos I de Borbón through male preference
primogeniture Article 57 is also significant in that it omits entirely the Franconist era
designation of Juan Carlos as Franco’s successor. While drafting the new constitution, lawyer
and liberal congressman Joaquín Satrústegui (1909–1992) insisted that the phrase the
legitimate heir of the historic dynasty be included in the text to underscore that the
monarchy was an historic institution predating the constitution or the prior regime. Additionally, Satrústegui was “anxious to
remove” notions that the constitutional monarchy had any Francoist origins, according to author
Charles Powell. The Crown of Spain shall be inherited by the
successors of HM Juan Carlos I de Borbón, the legitimate heir of the historic dynasty. Succession to the throne shall follow the
regular order of primogeniture and representation, the first line having preference over subsequent
lines; and within the same line the closer grade over the more remote; and within the
same grade the male over female, and in the same sex, the elder over the younger.. Male preference cognatic primogeniture has
been practiced in Spain since the 11th century in the various Visigothic successor states
and codified in the Siete Partidas, with women able to inherit in certain circumstances. However, with the succession of Philip V in
1700, the first of the Spanish Bourbons, women were barred from succession until Ferdinand
VII reintroduced the right and designated his elder daughter Isabella as his heir presumptive
by 1833. The debate on amending the Crown’s succession
law came to the forefront on 31 October 2005, when Infanta Leonor was born to the current
King and Queen of Spain. Amending the law to absolute primogeniture,
known in French as aînesse intégrale would allow the first-born to inherit the throne,
whether the heir be male or female. The Zapatero administration of the day proclaimed
its intention to amend the succession law, however with the birth of the king’s second
daughter the issue was placed on the back burner. Paving the way, in 2006 King Juan Carlos issued
a decree reforming the succession to noble titles from male preference primogeniture
to absolute primogeniture. Since the order of succession to the Crown
is codified in the Constitution, its reform mandates a complicated process that involves
a dissolution of parliament, a constitutional election, and a referendum. If all lines designated by law become extinct,
the constitution reserves the right for the Cortes Generales to provide for the succession
“in the manner most suitable for Spain”. The 1978 constitution disinherits members
of the royal family from succession if they marry against the expressed prohibition of
the monarch and the Cortes Generales, as well as their descendants. Lastly, Article 57 further provides that “Abdications
and renunciations and any doubt in fact or in law that may arise in connection with the
succession to the Crown shall be settled by an organic act”.Constitutionally, the current
heirs of Felipe VI are; HRH The Princess of Asturias, elder daughter
of the King HRH The Infanta Sofía, younger daughter of
the King HRH The Infanta Elena, Duchess of Lugo, elder
daughter of King Juan Carlos I. HE Felipe Juan Froilán de Marichalar y de
Borbón, son of Infanta Elena. HE Victoria Federica de Marichalar y de Borbón,
daughter of Infanta Elena. HRH The Infanta Cristina, younger daughter
of King Juan Carlos I. HE Juan Urdangarín y de Borbón, eldest son
of Infanta Cristina. HE Pablo Urdangarín y de Borbón, middle
son of Infanta Cristina. HE Miguel Urdangarín y de Borbón, youngest
son of Infanta Cristina. HE Irene Urdangarín y de Borbón, daughter
of Infanta Cristina.The constitution outlines the regency of the monarchy and guardianship
of the person of the monarch in the event of his minority or incapacitation. The office of Regent(s) and the Guardianship
of the monarch (whether the monarch is in his minority or incapacitated), may not necessarily
be the same person. In the event of the minority of the monarch,
the surviving mother or father, or oldest relative of legal age who is nearest in line
to the throne, would immediately assume the office of Regent, who in any case must be
Spanish. If a monarch becomes incapacitated, and that
incapacitation is recognized by the Cortes Generales, then the Prince of Asturias (the
heir apparent), shall immediately become Regent, if he is of age. If the Prince of Asturias is himself a minor,
then the Cortes Generales shall appoint a Regency which may be composed of one, three,
or five persons. The person of the king in his minority shall
fall under the guardianship of the person designated in the will of the deceased monarch,
provided that he or she be of age and of Spanish nationality. If no guardian has been appointed in the will,
then the father or mother will then assume the guardianship, as long as they remain widowed. Otherwise, the Cortes Generales shall appoint
both the Regent(s) and the guardian, who in this case may not be held by the same person,
except by the father or mother of direct relation of the king.===The king, the government, and the Cortes
Generales===The constitution defines the government’s
responsibilities. The government consists of the President of
the Government and ministers of state. The government conducts domestic and foreign
policy, civil and military administration, and the defense of the nation all in the name
of the king. Additionally, the government exercises executive
authority and statutory regulations. The most direct prerogative the monarch exercises
in the formation of Spanish governments is in the nomination and appointment process
of the President of the Government (Presidente del Gobierno de España). Following the General Election of the Cortes
Generales (Cortes), and other circumstances provided for in the constitution, the king
meets with and interviews the political party leaders represented in the Cortes, and then
consults with the Speaker of the Congress (who, in this instance, represents the whole
of the Cortes Generales). (1) After each renewal of the Congress and
the other cases provided for under the Constitution, the King shall, after consultation with the
representatives appointed by the political groups with parliamentary representation,
and through the Speaker of the Congress, nominate for the Presidency of the Government. (2) The candidate nominated in accordance
with the provisions of the foregoing subsection shall submit to the Congress the political
program of the Government he or she intends to form and shall seek the confidence of the
House. Constitutionally, the monarch may nominate
anyone he sees fit as his prerogative. However, it remains pragmatic for him to nominate
the person most likely to enjoy the confidence of the Cortes and form a government, usually
the political leader whose party commands the most seats in the Cortes. For the Crown to nominate the political leader
whose party controls the Cortes can be seen as a royal endorsement of the democratic process,
a fundamental concept enshrined in the 1978 constitution. By political custom, the king’s nominees have
all been from parties who hold the most seats in the Cortes. The king is normally able to announce his
nominee the day following a General Election. The king’s nominee is presented before the
Cortes by the Speaker where the nominee and his political agenda are debated and submitted
for a Vote of Confidence (Cuestión de confianza) by the Cortes. A simple majority confirms the nominee and
his program. After the nominee is deemed confirmed by the
Speaker of the Congress of Deputies, the king appoints him as the new President of the Government
in a ceremony performed at the Salón de Audiencias in the la Zarzuela Palace, the official residence
of the king. During the inauguration ceremony, the President
of the Government takes an oath of office over an open Constitution next to the Bible. The oath as taken by President Zapatero on
his second term in office on 17 April 2004 was;:
I swear, under my conscience and honor, to faithfully execute the duties of the office
of President of the Government with loyalty to the King, obey and enforce the Constitution
as the main law of the State, and preserve in secret the deliberations of the Council
of Ministers. However, if no overall majority was obtained
on the first vote of confidence, then the same nominee and program is resubmitted for
a second vote within forty-eight hours. Following the second vote, if confidence by
the Cortes is still unreached, then the monarch again meets with political leaders and the
Speaker, and submits a new nominee for a vote of confidence. If, within two months, no candidate has won
the confidence of the Cortes then the king dissolves the Cortes and calls for a new General
Election. The king’s royal decree is countersigned by
the Speaker of the Congress.In the political life of Spain, the king would already be familiar
with the various political leaders in a professional capacity, and perhaps less formally in a more
social capacity, facilitating their meeting following a General Election. Conversely, nominating the party leader whose
party maintains a plurality and who are already familiar with their party manifesto facilitates
a smoother nomination process. In the event of coalitions, the political
leaders would customarily have met beforehand to hammer out a coalition agreements before
their meeting with the king. Once appointed, the President of the Government
forms an administration whose ministers are appointed and removed by the king on the president’s
advice. No minister may take up his appointment until
after they give their oath of office to obey the constitution with loyalty to the king.As
early as 1975, Juan Carlos expressed his view that his role in the government of a “crowned
democracy” would be for him to counsel and orient an administration’s “thrust in action”,
but for the government to take the initiative without the need for it to involve the king
unnecessarily in its decisions. Therefore, Juan Carlos has abstained from
presiding over cabinet meetings except under special occasions or circumstances. Generally, the king presides over cabinet
meetings once or twice a year (more regularly if needed) to be directly informed by ministers
of non-partisan national and international concerns. However, the king does meet weekly with the
President of the Government, usually on Tuesday mornings. During the late-2000s economic recession which
gripped the nation, the king discretly used his influence to facilitate a bi-partisan
response to the crisis.Governments and the Cortes sit for a term no longer than four
years when the president tenders his resignation to the king and advises the king to dissolve
the Cortes, prompting a General Election. It remains within the king’s prerogative to
dissolve the Cortes if, at the conclusion of the four years, the president has not asked
for its dissolution, according to Title II Article 56. The president may call for earlier elections,
but no sooner than a year after the prior General Election. Additionally, if the Government loses the
confidence of the Cortes, then it must resign. In the event that a president dies or becomes
incapacitated while in office, then the government as a whole resigns and the process of royal
nomination and appointment takes place. The vice president would take over the day-to-day
operations in the meantime, even while vice president himself may be nominated by the
king.===Royal assent, judiciary, and promulgation
of the laws===The constitution vests the sanction (Royal
Assent) and promulgation (publication) of the laws with the king, while Title III The
Cortes Generals, Chapter 2 Drafting of Bills outlines the method with which bills are passed. According to Article 91, within fifteen days
that a bill has been passed by the Cortes Generales, the king shall give his assent
and publish the new law. Article 92 invests the king with the right
to call for referendum on the advice of the president and the previous authorization of
Congress.No provision within the constitution invests the king with the ability to veto
legislation directly, however no provision prohibits the king from withholding royal
assent, effectively a veto. When the media asked King Juan Carlos if he
would endorse the 2005 bill legalizing gay marriages (the implication implied that he
may not endorse the bill), he answered “Soy el Rey de España y no el de Bélgica” (“I
am the King of Spain, not of Belgium”) – a reference to King Baudouin I of Belgium who
had refused to sign the Belgian law legalising abortion in Belgium.According to Title VI
of the constitution, Justice in Spain “emanates from the people and is administered on behalf
of the King by judges and magistrates members of the Judicial Power…” It remains a royal prerogative for the king
to appoint the twenty members to the General Council of the Judicial Power of Spain (Spain’s
Supreme Court), and then appoint the President of the Supreme Court nominated by the General
Council, according to Article 122, Subsection 3, of the constitution. However, by convention the king’s nominations
have been with the advice of the government of the day. The General Council of the Judicial Power
shall consist of the President of the Supreme Court, who shall preside over it, and of twenty
members appointed by the King for a five-year period, of which twelve shall be judges and
magistrates of all the judicial categories, under the terms provided for by the organic
act; four nominated by the Congress and four by the Senate, elected in both cases by three-fifths
of their members amongst lawyers and other jurists of acknowledged competence with more
than fifteen years of professional practice. Additionally, the king appoints the State
Public Prosecutor on the advice of the government, according to Article 124. The king may grant clemency in accordance
with the law, however the king may not authorize a general pardon of government ministers who
have been found criminally liable or guilty of treason by the Criminal Article of the
Supreme Court, according to Articles 62 and 102.===The king and international diplomacy===Constitutionally the king accredits Spanish
ambassadors to international states and governments, and foreign representatives to Spain are accredited
before him. However, the government of the day manages
diplomatic policy on behalf of the monarch. Additionally, it remains the responsibility
for the monarch to express the state’s assent to international commitments and treaties,
which must be in conformity with the Spanish constitution.During his kingship, Juan Carlos
followed a foreign policy during the first decade of his kingship coined Reencounter
and Reconciliation, which greatly improved Spain’s standing on the world stage. The king reconciled long standing historic
tensions with the Netherlands and cultivated relationships with France and Germany which
led directly to Spain’s entry into the European Community and into NATO. Following the tensions between Franco and
the Papacy over the reforms of the Second Vatican Council, Juan Carlos’ personal relations
with successive popes greatly improved diplomatic relations between the Holy See and Spain,
and with Pope Paul VI blessing Juan Carlos’ democratic reforms. According to historian Charles Powell, it
was the king’s goal to win Spain’s full acceptance by other European powers. The king, a self-described Europeanist, was
awarded the prestigious Charlemagne Award in 1982 for his steadfast work towards democracy
and for supporting European unity. The constitution gives the monarch special
responsibility in promoting Spanish relations with members of its historic community, the
nations formerly part of the Spanish Empire and also relations with Portugal and Brazil. Fulfilling this responsibility, the King of
Spain serves as president of the twenty-four member Ibero-American States Organization. With his support of democracy, various elements
within Ibero-America political society have sought the king’s advice on how to transition
from a dictatorship to a democracy. For his efforts, by 2008 the king was voted
the most popular leader in all of the Ibero-America community.The monarch is assisted in his diplomatic
missions by the Foreign Ministry, and high-ranking members of the Foreign Ministry are made available
to the king when he is abroad representing Spain. The royal household coordinates with the Foreign
Ministry to ensure successful diplomatic engagements. Additionally, other members of the royal family,
most notably the Prince of Asturias, may represent the Spanish State internationally. Though the Spanish monarchy is independent
of the government, it is important that royal speeches are compatible with government foreign
policy to project a unified diplomatic effort. To achieve balance, royal household speechwriters
confer with the Foreign Ministry to ensure that the official speeches strike the desired
diplomatic tone between the king’s views and government policy. When necessary and appropriate, the king and
his government may focus on two different aspects in a diplomatic engagement. The king may emphasize one aspect, such as
the promotion of democracy and historic relations; while the government focuses on the details
of strategic planning and bilateral coordination. The king and members of the royal family have
represented Spain in Europe, Latin America, in the United States and in Canada, nations
in the Middle East and North Africa, in China, Japan, the Philippines, Australia, New Zealand
and many countries in sub-Sahara Africa. The king and Prince of Asturias have addressed
many international organizations which include the United Nations, the institutions of the
European Union, the Council of Europe, the Organization of American States, UNESCO, the
International Labour Organization, and the Arab League. Since 2000, Felipe has represented Spain in
half of all diplomatic engagements.===The king as Commander-in-Chief===The role of the Crown in the Spanish Armed
Forces is rooted in tradition and patriotism as demonstrated in the symbols and the history
of the military. The role of the Spanish monarch in the chain
of command of the forces is established by the constitution of 1978, and other statutory
law ( Acts of Parliament, Royal Decrees etc. ).
It is incumbent upon the King […] to exercise Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. The King exercises Supreme Command of the
Armed Forces and other powers regarding national defense that are provided for in the constitution
and other laws. However, Title IV of the constitution vests
the administration of the armed forces and formulation of national defense policy with
the President of the Government, a civil officer who is nominated and appointed by the king,
confirmed by the elected Congress of Deputies and, as such, is representative of the Spanish
people. Royal Decree 1310 of 5 October 2007 requires
the National Defence Council to report to the monarch, and that the king is to be the
Chairman of the Council when he attends its sessions. The National Defence Council is Spain’s highest
advisory body on security and defense matters and performs the same basic function as the
U.S. National Security Council. King Juan Carlos chaired the first full meeting
of the council on 10 November 2007, at which the newly proposed National Defence Directive
was reviewed along with the ongoing war missions in Afghanistan, Kosovo, Bosnia and Lebanon. As Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces,
the king holds the highest-ranking office in the military chain of command. The king’s ranks include Captain General of
the Army, the Navy and the Air Force. The king is the only officer in the military
to hold this 5-star General rank. The king takes a keen interest in all aspects
of military policy as evidenced by “his direct participation in the life of the Spanish Armed
Forces”. The king’s participation in Spanish military
life stems from his constitutional duty to “arbitrate and moderate” the regular working
of state institutions. Serving in the armed forces is considered
an expectation of the heir apparent, Juan Carlos and Felipe VI served in the various
branches of the armed forces before they became kings. The monarch has made his desire for a strong
rapport with the armed forces clear in speeches to his officer corp: I do not feel a stranger in your company,
and my functions are not limited to being your king and to holding the Supreme Command
of the Armed Forces. I am also your companion… I feel one more among you… because my youth
has been formed, as yours and with many of you, in military academies where virtues are
praised and qualities infused which are not modified by time or by the changes that may
occur in society […] In my heart, in all my being, side by side with my love for the
country, palpitates military spirit, and I feel always identified with my companions
in the army, with your concerns, your sorrows, your satisfactions and your hopes. So when I see you joyful, I am joyful. When I feel You sad, I am sad. And all, absolutely all of your worries, all
absolutely all of your problems gravitate on your king and Captain General-your companion-with
the same intensity that is felt by you.==Contemporary monarchy=====
Popularity and criticism===Prior to the Spanish financial crisis from
2008, the monarchy traditionally enjoyed wide support and popularity by Spanish citizens
since its constitutional restoration in 1978, according to Fernando Villespin, president
of the Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS, English: Sociological Research Center)
in 2008. According to Villespin, the king’s traditional
approval rating of over 70% through the years consistently out-performed those of elected
political leaders, with a similar percentage of respondents considering that the king played
an important role in maintaining Spanish democracy. Public trust in Juan Carlos’ kingship “comes
only behind that of the National Ombudsman”, Villespin continued. Members of the royal family were routinely
voted among the most respected public figures in Spain, and in 2010 as many as 75% of Spanish
citizens ranked the monarchy as “above any other public institution in the country”,
according to Dr Juan Díez-Nicolás, a former president of the CIS and founder of the private
consulting firm ASEP (Análisis Sociológicos Económicos y Políticos). The CIS, a non-partisan government funded
independent research institution, has been researching public opinion of the monarchy
since 1984 and tracks three basic lines of inquiry; what is public confidence in the
monarchy, what is the role of the monarchy in a democratic system, and to what degree
has the king contributed to the democratic process.The king was routinely considered
one of the top ten most popular figures in Spain, with as many as 80% of Spanish believing
Spain’s transition to democracy would not have been made possible without the king’s
personal intervention. Historian and royal biographer Charles Powell
told BBC News in 2008 that “There’s a deep-rooted feeling of gratitude for the king’s role in
the transition to democracy [and] Polls show that he is the individual to whom democratisation
is most closely attributed, and the sense of gratitude cuts across class and ideological
lines.”Prior to the economic crisis, part of the monarchy’s appeal may lay in the personal
characteristics of Juan Carlos, whose philosophy on his family, on personal integrity, and
on a selfless work ethic were revealed in intimate private letters of fatherly advice
to his son Felipe, Prince of Asturias, between 1984 and 1985, when Felipe was then attending
university in Canada. According to Juan Carlos a monarch must not
take his position for granted but work for the people’s welfare, be kind, attentive and
helpful, and “appear animated even when you are tired; kind even when you don’t feel like
it; attentive even when you are not interested; helpful even when it takes an effort […] You
need to appear natural, but not vulgar; cultivated and aware of problems, but not pedantic or
conceited”.Juan Carlos continued; Those whom God has chosen to be kings and
to be at the head of the destiny of a country do not have any other choice than to start
to understand the importance and the special characteristics of the position, because one
can say that they start to become adults long before other boys of their age. If in this life it is as important to form
and strengthen character enough to permit us to lead, it is not any less to know how
to obey. In spite of the high positions that we hold
in life, it will always be vital to know we also have duties to perform and obedience
always involves real honour […] We have to build a closely united family, without
fissures or contradictions, we must not forget that on all and on each one of us are fixed
the eyes of Spaniards whom we should serve with body and soul. I do not want to prolong my first letter any
more in order not to tire you, but I would hope that this as well as the succeeding ones
I send you leave a profound impression on you and are read calmly and thought about
seriously. “I have had to stand snubs and contempt, incomprehension
and annoyances that you, thank God, have not known”, reminded the king to his son in one
letter. The private letters from father to son remain
within the royal household, but were copied and released into the public domain without
any approval or foreknowledge, according to a Zarzuela palace official who confirmed the
letter’s authenticity.However, the monarchy became the focus of acute criticism from part
of the left and right of the Spanish political spectrum, and by regional separatists. As many as 22% of Spanish citizens feel that
a republic would be the better form of government for Spain, while separatists and independence
supporters in the Basque Country and Catalonia routinely protest the monarchy as the living
symbol of a united Spain. Part of the left criticize the institution
of monarchy as anachronistic, while the far right criticize King Juan Carlos personally
because he has given his royal assent and tacit approval to what they perceive to be
a liberal agenda in Spain and a secularism of Spanish life.The monarchy became subject
to sharpened criticism during the financial crisis, particularly 2012 which became a kind
of “annus horribilis” for the monarchy, as members of the royal family became increasingly
seen as out-of-step with the Spanish mainstream or drawn into scandal. Queen Sofía was criticized in 2008 for inarticulately
disclosing her private opinions on gay marriage in a biography publicly released that year. In 2011 the king’s son-in-law Iñaki Urdangarin,
Duke of Palma de Mallorca, was accused of money laundering and impropriety for using
his connection to the royal family for personal financial gain. In April 2012 the king’s grandson, 13-year-old
Froilán, shot himself in the foot during target practice at his father’s estate,
echoing a similar but far more serious gun accident involving the king in 1956. According to historians, the then 18-year-old
Juan Carlos was cleaning a revolver when he accidentally shot to death his 14-year-old
brother Alfonso. Also in 2012, the monarchy was seen as out-of-touch
during the financial crisis as the king went on a hunting safari in Botswana while Spanish
citizens suffered crippling unemployment and austerity measures at home. Furthermore, sporting a hunting vest and rifle
the king was photographed over a dead elephant propped against a tree. Despite public knowledge of the king’s interest
in hunting, the image this time contrasted sharply with his patronage of the Spanish
branch of the conservation group World Wildlife Fund and with Spanish public opinion trending
against animal hunting. Though elephant hunting is legal on the game
preserve in Botswana, the World Wildlife Fund lists elephants as an endangered species,
and the public outcry led to the WWF to strip the king of his honorary patronage in July,
2012. With the perceived disconnect public support
of the monarchy has dropped to a new low of only 49%, according to a December 2011 Metroscopia
survey.The king took measures to reconcile public confidence in the monarchy. In the wake of the scandal surrounding the
Duke of Palma de Mallorca, the king spoke in his 2011 Christmas Eve National Speech
that no-one is above the law. Additionally, the king addressed the perennial
critique of the monarchy by publishing the budget spent on the monarchy and royal household. In 2012, the king and Prince of Asturias volunteered
an additional 7% pay-cut in solidarity with government officials, bringing the king’s
taxable income for 2012 at about 270,000 euros, and that of the prince at 131,000 euros. Of the events surrounding the safari, the
contrite king issued a rare apology and said “I am very sorry. I made a mistake. It will not happen again.” Furthermore, the king and the Prince of Asturias
stepped up public engagements, particularly those of a business nature, in an effort to
promote “Brand Spain,” as the king put it as he answered written questions. The king’s mantra for Spanish business; “Export,
export, export!” Spanish business magnets rallied to the king’s
cause; “From a corporate point of view, [King Juan Carlos] is Spain’s No. 1 ambassador,”
said César Alierta, chairman of the Spanish telecommunications giant Telefónica. The king is also credited with brokering a
deal worth $9.9 billion for a Spanish consortium in Saudi Arabia to construct a high-speed
rail line by leveraging his personal relationship with Saudi King Abdullah and outmaneuvering
a French bid. “Without the king, this contract would not
have gone ahead,” according to former Spanish foreign minister Miguel Angel Moratinos. The king’s role as a “business diplomat and
deal maker” for his country’s interest was brought to light during the safari scandal,
as the safari was paid for by Mohamed Eyad Kayali, a Syrian construction magnate and
longtime friend of the king. The two worked together on the deal which
awarded the Haramain High Speed Rail Project to the Spanish consortium. For supporters of the monarchy the king is
an “irreplaceable resource” with unrivaled relationships with other world leaders. Observers credit the king with easing tensions
between Spain’s former government of José Zapatero and the George W. Bush administration,
while also helping to resolve disputes in Latin America.Opinion polls released in April
2012 revealed that the Spanish public generally forgave the king over the recent scandals,
but wished for greater transparency of the monarchy. However, criticism grew increasingly strident
towards many senior members of the royal family as investigations continued to dominate headlines
throughout 2013. In an act to preserve Spanish constitutional
stability Juan Carlos I abdicated the throne on June 19, 2014, in favor of his popular
son, now reigning as King Felipe VI.At the time of his abdication La Razon found that
more than 77 per cent of respondents rated the leadership of King Juan Carlos as “good”
or “very good.” Seventy-two per cent thought the monarchy
was an important factor for political stability. The Spanish public also gave a broadly positive
opinion not only of the abdication but of his reign as a whole. According to a poll taken by El Mundo, believed
the king’s reign was either good or very good, up from 41.3 per cent. Overall, 55.7 per cent of those polled in
the June 3–5 survey by Sigma Dos supported the institution of the monarchy in Spain,
up from 49.9 per cent when the same question was posed six months earlier. 57.5 per cent believed the Felipe VI could
restore the royal family’s lost prestige. An overwhelming majority of Spaniards believe
Felipe VI would make a good monarch and more than three-quarters believe Juan Carlos was
right to hand over the throne to his son.===Charitable, cultural, and religious patronage
===Members of the royal family are often invited
by non-profit charitable, cultural, or religious organizations within Spain or internationally
to become their patrons, a role the Spanish constitution recognizes. Royal patronage conveys a sense of official
credibility as the organization is vetted for suitability. A royal presence often greatly raises the
profile of the organization and attracts public interest and media coverage that the organization
may not have otherwise garnered, aiding in the charitable cause or cultural event. Royals use their considerable celebrity to
assist the organization to raise funds or to affect or promote government policy. Members of the royal family also pursue charitable
and cultural causes of special interest to themselves. As prince, King Felipe chaired the Prince
of Asturias Foundation (Fundación Príncipe de Asturias), which aims to promote “scientific,
cultural and humanistic values that form part of mankind’s universal heritage.” The Prince of Asturias Foundation holds annual
awards ceremonies acknowledging the contributions of individuals, entities, and organizations
which make notable achievements in the sciences, humanities, or public affairs. Felipe serves as president of the Codespa
Foundation, which finances specific economic and social development activities in Ibero-America
and other countries, and serves as president of the Spanish branch of the Association of
European Journalists, which is composed of achieving communications professionals. Felipe also serves as honorary chair of the
Ministry of Culture National Awards Ceremonies.Queen Sofía devotes much of her time to the Queen
Sofía Foundation (Fundación Reina Sofía). Established in 1977 out of the queen’s private
funds, the non-profit aims to assist, promote, and develop the spiritual and physical needs
of men and women from diverse backgrounds, with a particular focus on progress, welfare,
and justice. Infanta Elena, Duchess of Lugo, the king’s
eldest daughter, is the Director of Cultural and Social Projects of Mapfre Foundation,
while Infanta Cristina, Duchess of Palma de Mallorca, the king’s youngest daughter, served
as the Goodwill Ambassador to the United Nations for the 2nd World Assembly on Ageing, and
is a member of the Dalí Foundation Board of Trustees, president of the International
Foundation for Disabled Sailing, and Director of Social Welfare at the La Caixa Foundation
in Barcelona where she lives with her family.The king, queen, and Infanta Cristina are all
members of the Bilderberg Group, an informal think-tank centered on United States and European
relations, and other world issues.King Juan Carlos built a tradition of presenting annual
Christmas Eve National Speeches entitled “Mensaje de S.M. Juan Carlos I,” personal messages from himself
as king to the nation which are broadcast by radio and television through various media
outlets. King Juan Carlos usually referred to social
or economic challenges facing the nation as well as positive messages of charity, good
will, and religious faith. In 2004, the speech was highly related to
the 2004 Madrid train bombings; in 2006 he talked about the need to become a united nation
against terrorism (in implicit support of Zapatero’s anti-terrorist policies), and he
mentioned the increasing force of immigrants in Spain and appreciated their contribution
to the economy.==Household of H.M. the King==The royal household organization, constitutionally
La Casa de Su Majestad el Rey, supports and facilitates the monarch and members of the
royal family in fulfilling their constitutionally hereditary responsibilities and obligations. The royal household is funded through yearly
budgets drafted by the government of the day in consultation with the monarch, and brought
before the Cortes for approval, and then paid directly to the monarch. The royal household coordinates with various
government administration ministries, and receives their advice and support where needed,
though in no way does the royal household form part of the government administration. Royal household staff serve at the pleasure
of the monarch, and does not resign when the Spanish government resigns during election
cycles. The royal household is managed by the Head
of the Household who inspects and supervises all household operations through various bureaus
or offices of the General Secretariat. The Head of the Household is assisted by a
Secretary General. The General Secretariat is divided into various
departments which includes the secretariat (bureau) of King Juan Carlos (since 2014);
planning and coordination; the secretariat (bureau) of H.M. the Queen; security services;
communication; protocol; and administration, infrastructure and services. Before his father’s abdication, Felipe VI
had his own secretariat as Prince of Asturias. The Spanish Armed Forces are represented by
the Head of the Military Chamber, who does not advise the king on matters of national
defense, which is the portfolio of the Minister of Defence and President of the Government
to advise the king. Rather, the Head of the Military Chamber coordinates
royal military operations and ceremonies, and prepares the royal family for any military
activities. The Military Chamber is directed by a commander
who must be an active lieutenant-general or a general within the Spanish military, and
is under the direct orders of the king. The commander maintains an office with a military
legal advisor, an auditor, and section heads for staffing, protocol, operations and logistics. The king is assigned personal aides-de-camp
for his assistance, and by extension to his wife the queen and to Princess Sofía. Aides-de-camp are drawn from all of the services,
from the Army, from the Navy, from the Air Force, and from the Civil Guard. The Princess of Asturias is entitled to, in
future, personal aides-de-camp, drawn from the army, the navy and the air force.The Head
of the Household, Secretary General, and Head of the Military Chamber are considered senior
management staff and are compensated at the level of senior government administration
officials. In 2004, the royal household employed 100
staff members. The royal household’s public relations department
manages and maintains an official website on behalf of the royal family known as Casa
de S.M. El Rey. The website lists biographical information
on members of the immediate royal family, charts their activities, records speeches
given at events, and publishes their expected diary of upcoming events, among other information. Additionally, the public relations department
publishes the king’s diary of his private meetings and the meeting minutes, so long
as the other party agrees.===Residences and royal sites===The king and queen preside over many official
functions at the Oriente Palace in Madrid. However, King Felipe and Queen Letizia and
their family reside at the Pavilion, a modest home on the El Pardo estate, near his parents’
residence at La Zarzuela. King Juan Carlos and Queen Sofía have spent
the majority of their time at the La Zarzuela Palace, a former hunting lodge on the El Pardo
estate on the outskirts of Madrid. The El Pardo Palace itself has served as the
“guest house” for visiting heads of state since the 1980s. The Oriente Palace and the palaces of the
El Pardo estate form part of the “Spanish royal sites”, a collective term used to denote
the set of palaces, monasteries, and convents built under royal patronage throughout history. Royal sites are owned by the state and administered
by the Patrimonio Nacional (National Heritage) on behalf of the government of the day, and
made available for the king as the head of state. Whenever a member of the royal family is not
in residence, the royal site is made available for public visitations. The royal household coordinates directly with
the National Heritage Council and relevant government ministries or other interests in
their planning and staging of state events, with royal sites often providing the setting. Juan Carlos began a tradition of taking his
family on annual holidays to the island of Palma de Mallorca, staying at the Marivent
Palace there since the 1960s. Juan Carlos, known as a keen yachtsman, was
presented with a yacht by the Balearic Islands and a consortium of local business leaders
in 2001 as part of an effort to further associate the royal family with the islands, and to
promote the islands as a tourist destination. The yacht, known as the Fortuna, is also owned
by the State and administered by the Patrimonio Nacional.===Annual budget and taxation===
Constitutionally the monarch is entitled to compensation from the annual state budget
for the maintenance of his family and household administration, and freely distributes these
funds in accordance with the laws. According to the Royal Household, “[T]he purpose
of these resources is to ensure that the Head of State may carry out his tasks with the
independence which is inherent to his constitutional functions, as well as with due effectiveness
and dignity”. The annual budget pays the remunerations for
senior management staff, management staff and career civil servants, other minor staffing
positions, and for general office expenses. The Head of Household, Secretary General,
and other management staff salaries must be comparable to other administration ministers
within the government, though in no way do they form part of the government or administration. As such, the management staff experience increases,
decreases, or freezes to their pay in accordance with the fluctuations of government minister
salaries. Additionally, the annual budget pays for the
maintenance and expenses of senior members of the royal family who undertake royal duties;
which includes grocery, clothing, and toiletries allotments. The budget approved by the Cortes for 2010
was just under 7.4 million euros, a budget only slightly larger than that spent on the
Luxembourg monarchy. In 2011 the king addressed the perennial critique
of the monarchy; that of how the annual budget awarded to the monarchy and royal household
is spent. The report revealed that only 9.6% of the
8.4 million euros budgeted that year for the monarchy are paid to royal family members
as ‘salaries and representative duties’, with the difference marked for royal household
operational expenses such as household staff salaries, various insurance premiums and liabilities,
services, and ‘supplementals’ such as overhead. In 2012, the monarchy volunteered an additional
7% pay-cut in solidarity with government officials.Not included in the annual budget is the maintenance
and upkeep of Spanish royal sites, which are owned by the state and made available to the
king as the head-of-state, but administered by Patrimonio Nacional on behalf of the government
of the day. Spanish royal sites are open to the public
when members of the royal family are not in residence. Maintenance and upkeep includes groundskeeping,
domestic staffing and catering. The budget is administered with professional
Public Administration accounting procedures, and is audited by government auditors. All members of the royal family are subject
to taxation and annually submit Income Tax and Wealth Tax returns and effect the relevant
payments.==See also==
Monarch List of Spanish monarchs
Monarchs of Spain family tree List of Spanish consorts
List of titles and honours of the Spanish Crown
Line of succession to the Spanish throne Politics of Spain
Bibliography Hooper, John (2006). The New Spaniards. London, New York: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-101609-2. Powell, Charles (1996). Juan Carlos of Spain; Self Made Monarch. London: Macmillan Press Ltd. ISBN 0-333-54726-8. Preston, Paul (2004). Juan Carlos; Steering Spain from Dictatorship
to Democracy. New York, London: W.W. Norton and Company. ISBN 0-393-05804-2.Spanish Government Websites The Royal Household of His Majesty the King
Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas National Heritage official websiteNews Articles BBC News Monsters and Critics news
Notiemail News TelegraphWiki Sources Título II. De la Corona, WikisourceOther Queen Sofía Foundation
Prince of Asturias Foundation Codespa Foundation==External links==
The Royal Household of His Majesty the King Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas
National Heritage official website

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