Purple people sit in before the Parliament – Popolo viola presidio a Montecitorio
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Purple people sit in before the Parliament – Popolo viola presidio a Montecitorio

January 17, 2020


[As the crisis spreads, destroying jobs, the government hesitates and thinks only of the legal problems of Mr. Berlusconi.] We are facing a global company that takes as an argument to the question of energy prices, which everyone knows to be high in Italy, but the true intentions are to leave this multinational production, abandon the factories and workers to their fate. He is the mayor of Carbonia. We support the protest of the territory because, as Antonello says, if we do not have answers that nourish the hope we will be forced to deliver simple misery.
At that point it would not be even worth to be administrators. I am a center-right Mayor of PDL, my country is Nugis, two thousand inhabitants.
I’m here with all the other mayors because when it comes to work affects everyone, both the right and left, we must fight for the same reason: the job! If in case the Alcoa decides that it is no longer interested in Italian smelter, we never give up. We are here, the purple people of Rome, by four-February, we decided to guard against the square Montecitorio laws such failure, yet another personal law of the Berlusconi government.
We are here because we believe this latest outrage to the Constitution is wrong, and why we want to raise awareness and mobilize Italians to participate with us. We believe that at this moment Italian politics is working on parallel courses, one where is questioned the equality of persons, the other questioning the right to work. in pirates Writings Pasolini repeatedly denounced the progressive mafia increase in the palace of power. In a letter published in the weekly the World in 1975, defines the palace as the seat of an oligarchic Mafia accusing a number of crimes, including coverage of the massacres of Milan, Brescia, Bologna; and who is responsible for the gradual moral and anthropological degradation of Italian society. He says he should come to a criminal trial against some powerful, including Giulio Andreotti indicates, concludes with these words: without a criminal trial is useless to hope that there is something to do for our country, it is clear that the respectability of some Democrats, Moro, Zaccagnini, or the morality of the communists are useless. Even more explicit is Sciascia, who, in an interview in 1979 by the French journalist Marcelle Padovani, trace this portrait of the country, which I believe keeps an extraordinary news: What guarantees does this state in the application of law and justice? What guarantees are there against the abuse of power, against injustice? None!
The impunity that covers crimes committed against society and against public goods, is worthy of a regime of South America.
Not one of the great scandals in the last thirty years has had a clarification, none of the culprits have been punished. In every town and every village, you can compile a long list of embezzlement of cases of extortion, abuse remained unpunished.
Citizens who do their duty, first as mere taxpayers, are seen regularly mocked and ridiculed then first, because those who defraud the tax authorities are then rewarded with the laws of tax losses that is an exhortation and encouragement to non-compliance law. Even a mere voice crying in the wilderness, I think of the parable of the terrible end of Pasolini, can have destabilizing effects for those who are at the top: demonstrate knowledge and show that it can be seen, demonstrate an understanding of which may be a luxury not sustainable.
What were the bricks with which it was built this wall of silence?
Witnesses and collaborators of justice have been gradually reduced to silence.
How can we forget the collective violence that descended on entrepreneurs who earlier collaborated with the judiciary and on the few lawyers who assisted them?
Condemned to ostracism for violating the code of silence of class while the people they accused were upheld in the best salons and surrounded by statements of solidarity. Let us deepen now why the Mafia is one of several ways in which crime has declined the ruling classes of our country.
So what is the Mafia?
Indeed, because the mafia?
I must make two assumptions, the first essential is that many joints in our history of the Mafia are intended to remain secret:
if the Mafia was formed only by people like Riina and Provenzano everything could come in the sunlight, but the mafia is also one of the many complicated clusters that together form the machinery of the national real power.
Machine that draws the course of collective history working in part on the scene, but largely behind the scenes.
Nobody can afford to reveal some secrets of the obscene part of the story, which happened to glimpse, without the risk of being crushed by the compact reaction crossing the whole system.
How many of those who are professionally engaged in the Mafia are aware of this, many.
Among these, to mention only the dead, leaving alone the living, certainly Rocco Chinnici, Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa, Giovanni Falcone. The magistrate who you all know, Falcone, made a statement: he said that the problem of the Mafia at that time, were financial ties with the North, and there was a bank that laundered money for the mafia at that time, the Bank Rasini, that was in Milan, the director of this bank was the father of Silvio Berlusconi. In reality all that is currently mafia is made and run by white collar workers, is people who have high average incomes, average high positions, the possibility of entering into salons and have good relationships, relationships with other people to weave upper-middle classes. Patronage, clientelism. Still allow me to amplify what the woman says:
The lady says, we should not increase, in our small, the system based on mafia clientelism, we must not have a price.
Because if we have a price someone will buy, once we were bought we are part of the mafia system. Just do not have a price.

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