The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo: A Living Document (2)
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The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo: A Living Document (2)

November 27, 2019

>>Narrator: Welcome to an Arizona State Museum podcast. This podcast is one of five recordings from a symposium held in conjunction with
the display of the original pages of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo at the Arizona State
Museum during February 2011. The treaty pages were on loan from the National Archives. Arizona State Museum extends thanks to Amistades, Inc., the Vice President for Research at the University of Arizona, and the University’s American Indian Studies department for support of the exhibition and the symposium. For more Arizona State Museum podcasts, go to www.statemuseum.Arizona.edupodcasts, or go to I Tunes, keyword: Arizona State Museum. [Silence]>>Daniel Vega: Good morning to everyone that’s here. Thank you for the invitation to be a part of this event today. My name is Daniel
Vega, and I am the director of the department of language and culture for the Pascua Yaqui Tribe. I’m also an enrolled member of the tribe, and come from the community of South Tucson. I’m involved in the ceremonies, actively involved. I’m a deer singer, and I’ve learned the ways from many of my teachers, elders, many of whom are no longer here. In the presentation that we’re going to give
today, I just want to remind everybody that, in our way… First of all, I just want to
ask for forgiveness if in the slides that I show, or the words that I speak, offend you. I’m not intending to bring those types of, you know, offending people, but it’s a story that was passed down to me, and in the best way I can I’m going to try to relay that story that my elders have passed down to me. So, some of the issues that we talk about,
some of the slides that we talk about may not sit well with people, but it’s the truth.
It’s the history, or Itom Yoem Lutu’uria, as we call it; it’s our truth. And today I’m
going to try to share that with you. There are some elders that we have that are sharing their knowledge every single day, and I’m able to be right there with them learning. And so with that introduction, I want to turn
it over to Ms. Galindo to introduce herself.>>Anabel Galindo: Thank you, and welcome for being here. I also work for the department of language and culture. Been there for three years. As you might say, I come from California with also Yaqui heritage. Very happy to be
part of the department and to be helping as much as I can, as much as I can do. I’m also part of the
history Ph.D. program. I’m currently working on a project to look at oral history during
the revolutionary period, and look at all the factions involved—looking at the people
that were part of the military, the Mexican military—those who were being prosecuted. And really look at the oral history because I think that hasn’t really been touched on. And so, again, thank you and we’ll start our presentation.>>Mr. Vega: So, again, before we begin, there’s a whole lot of history to talk about to give you context as we look at the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and how it affected Yaqui people. So, forgive me if we also go very fast, but
we do have to make sure that we talk about Yaqui history, Yaqui people from the time in our beginnings. And I’d like to share that with you because this is an opportunity to share what we know about our people. And hopefully, everyone that’s here will be able to take this information back with
them, and if it sparks interest, please, contact us and we can share more, or go into more detail as we go along. So, I’d like to talk about the concept of
where we stand as Yaqui people from time immemorial. Yaqui people believe that we are not descendants of other tribes, but that we were put on this earth by our creator, that we come from people that we call Surem. Surem were these smaller beings that inhabited the area where we live today. They were very intellectual. They were the type of people who cared about their environment, considered the animals and the trees and plants and all their habitat to be a unified community where we respected one another. So these ideas that we have come with us throughout history as we look at our habitat and the way that we treat each other. And as we have later in our history, as these foreigners come from Spain first, their ways of living
contradicted ours, and so there was much confusion, which eventually led to wars because we could not really understand each other’s ways and coexist. So, just to give you some context of where we come from, this is, of course, a modern map, but for Yaqui people, we want to establish the fact that Yaqui people have lived in these areas, which we consider the Sonoran Desert. And Sonoran Desert now, I think, when we use the word Sonora, people think of it stopping right at the border. But Sonora extends all the way into the Gila River. And so, for Yaqui people in today’s Mexico—Río Yaqui, which is about seven hours south of here—from Río Yaqui all the way up to the Gila River was kind of our range. And in this presentation we’re going to really try to show the mobility and how it existed in time immemorial all the way until today and the effects that the border has on us today. One of the points I would like to share is that this idea of Native people in the Americas were interconnected. I think some people might
think just because of the media and movies, that we were isolated groups always at war
with one another, but that’s not the case. Kind of like to consider this corridor through Sonora, all the way extending from Mexico City (then Tenochtitlan) and all the way down into Central America and South America. There was this, kind of like an indigenous superhighway of information, technology, medicines, news. And this relationship that we had with other indigenous people living in our area, at some times there was conflict, but at other times there was
this mobility, especially in our area, going south and north, and north and south, back
and forth. And so as you can see here, we have some communities up here in the Arizona area now, that are established communities today. But those are remnants of other villages that were in existence from, again, time immemorial for us. So we have a couple of other maps also, that just kind of show you, railroads, and kind of this corridor that goes through Sonora.
I’ll now talk a little bit about the communities established today. So, with the idea of how Yaqui people lived, we need to talk about the idea of subsistence. At this point, Yaqui people only used what they needed from their environment, because again, they respected the animals in a way that they knew that they were there. But it
wasn’t the idea for profit, or—any ideas as this, really didn’t
exist for Yaqui people at this time. We used only what we needed, and so you can see from the outsider’s point of view, this is probably, you know, referred … This type of dwelling
was probably referred to as… that they didn’t have technology. They didn’t understand how to use their environment to make really elaborate homes. But, Yaqui people living in the desert only used these types of shelters just to sleep. The rest of the day was outside under larger ramadas. And so I think it’s just important to kind of highlight that. That, although this may seem like a very, very humble place to rest, there was ideas behind it. And so when we begin to look at the Spanish entering our lands, and the way they begin to view us as people, automatically there was some dehumanization occurring there just because it didn’t fit along the lines of the way they believed life
should be lived. And so this is just a picture here. And throughout our presentation, we’re just going to be showing slides, just to kind of give you some idea. And so, these are one of our earliest pictures that show the dwelling in the back. And so, through that time, the way Yaqui people interacted with other indigenous people, we began to get news of these new visitors coming about. And so, 1533 is the first experience we have, our first contact with Spanish. In
this case, it was a person who was a slave trader. So his sole purpose to enter the Río Yaqui territory was to capture Yaqui people. It wasn’t an event where they came to learn about us, but rather, how they can exploit our territory and our people. And that first encounter, Yaqui people were
able to push back the Spanish encroachment. It is said that men, women, elders, and children
all ran up to this point where the Spanish were trying to encroach, and defended the
Yaqui territory. And it’s also noted that Yaqui people begin to establish themselves, according to the Spanish, as being one of the fiercest tribes in the northern portion of New Spain, as they called
it at that point. So this is just some information on Diego
de Guzmán’s expedition. And again, Aniavailutek, who’s one of our organizers of that event,
was able to gather all of Yaqui people in a matter of a short time to be able to defend Yaqui territory. So we begin to see this resistance from Yaqui people from very early on. It’s important to note that after that first encounter with the Spanish, Yaqui people were in a position of power. And when I say power, I’m only referring to the conditions— they were able to determine the conditions of any other foreigners coming into Yaqui territory. And in this case, the Jesuit order was allowed to come into Río Yaqui to begin to speak more about this idea, about this person, that becomes a very important part of our culture today, Christianity and Christ. So we have this account in 1617 where Andrés Pérez de Ribas enters Río Yaqui and within six years, by 1623, 30,000 Yaqui people are baptized. So it shows you that Yaqui people were really interested in adopting this new paradigm, this new way of thinking about life, but only under the conditions that it would fit, only where Yaquis decided it would fit in their everyday lifestyles. So, we look at the culture today, and it has
remnants of Catholicism within our ceremonies, but it is still based on Yaqui spirituality,
and in only places where those Yaqui people decided it’s OK to be able to enter with the Catholicism. So, we just have a couple of notes here—that we actually allowed the Jesuits into our territory and before the Jesuits really took control of—or how would you say—before the Jesuits actually came in, they kind of redesigned what Yaqui people’s ideas of what communities were. We were based out of 80 smaller rancherías, what we call today, which were about 200 and 250 people living
in these small communities throughout Río Yaqui. But as the Jesuits came they kind of saw the advantage of being able to consolidate these 80 rancherías into eight traditional towns
that today are still there, so that they could control, or have a good eye on what Yaqui
people were doing as far as the government structure that we had at that point, and the ideas that Yaqui people were beginning to share. So if any uprisings were to begin to happen they’d kind of really know about it since they’re really close to these mission towns. And at this point we begin to see the Jesuits take over the economic portion of Yaqui people’s lives. So we have agriculture take on a whole new idea where planting for profit and being able to have surplus goods as a means of collecting money and these types of things. So that the Jesuits begin to exploit Yaqui people where
they force them to create these missions, force them to create these large agricultural spots, and also we have settlers coming into the areas as they begin to mine for silver and gold. It’s during this time that we see a lot of
Yaqui people begin to go outside of the mission towns, our traditional eight pueblos that
we have, and begin to go out and serve as guides throughout this environment because we also have many different Native groups that were resisting this encroachment, and Yaqui people could go to serve as kind of those interpreters. Also, they kind of knew the lay of the land. They knew what to look for, and so we see these mines springing up all throughout Sonora. And we have Muni, who is one of our leaders, begin to recognize the fact that there is also a kind of a tax being put on the Yaqui
people that live near mining areas. These land surveyors would actually incorporate
any Yaqui people living near their mine to provide service in these mines. So, the picking, the surveying, all of this, they were actually asking Yaqui people to put this labor up, and for Yaqui people, they began to notice that this is not fair. Also, with the Jesuits, using all of the surplus goods to send them north to other mission towns, especially in California, this is not fair for Yaqui people, and Muni begins to start an uprising in 1740. [pause]>>Ms. Galindo: I think that indigenous perspective and coming to—looking
at independence and the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and so forth, is often overlooked or undermined and we see especially with the Yaqui experience, how important it is, how influential it was. And if we take a look, starting from the independence period, we look at that the movement itself wasn’t really that much affected within Sonora but
rather what sprung from that was a movement from Banderas, who was Juan Ignacio de la
Cruz, also known as Banderas, who already had this idea of an indigenous autonomous nation. So this was, obviously from time immemorial, very important that they recognized their territory, their range, and so it’s important to see it here, especially in these types of movements where they were rebounding. Once the Spanish order was removed, they saw this as an opportunity to actually engage in their own autonomous nation. So, they took up arms. By 1825, Banderas takes arms with this idea, with this vision that gathering
all the indigenous peoples within Sonora, within this whole corridor like he mentioned, North and South, and trying to raise that spark, that interest, that unity among Native peoples to fight for
this Indian nation. So there is already a consciousness of land and unity that the Spanish, of course, and then, by then the Mexicans, of course, could not understand. So they were resisting Mexican
rule, resisting being under the same identity, under the same concept of land and nation. So, we see here the mobility. We see Banderas going to all these locations, as far as into the Pimas, the Pimería Alta, Pimería Baja,
looking for the support. And by this time in Sonora it was very difficult to even put
up that much resistance. The military force or the military presence in Sonora was already with limited resources because they had already been fighting the Apaches in the North. So, the resources had already been dispersed, and so trying to combat the Yaquis was not being fruitful for the
Mexican soldiers. So, they ended up trying to find a political
solution rather than a military solution because it was not feasible to do this. So, what they
would do—what they agreed upon is to cease fire, to cease the war. But it has to be understood that even though they agreed to final peace and negotiation, the Yaquis really used that to rest and to gather more forces, to gather more weaponry to continue the fight. So it’s very interesting to see the concept that they used to negotiate but really to gather strength. So we see that Banderas ends up being executed by the early 1830s, but throughout the war we see that the Yaquis that were captured were already being deported. So, this is actually the first documented record of Yaquis being deported. They were actually being sent to
Mexico City in order to face trial for their uprisings, but in reality they were being sent to Veracruz to be part of the marines, to be part of the military. So I think from this period, from this early
on in the 1800s, we see that still the Yaquis had leverage. They still had the advantage.
They had the numbers, they had the strength, and they had that unity, that consciousness of land. On the part of the state it was limited resources, limited manpower again. And as we progress through the 1800s, we also see that the Yaquis used this to the advantage. They would sometimes lean towards the conservatives or at times liberals, but it really just depended on which hacendado, which politician offered the best promises. And it was always again protecting the land, protecting the autonomy. So we see that. So I think if we look at the Northern corridor, what is now Mexican frontier, the Northern frontier, we see all this resistance throughout, and it’s usually perceived as just raids and just marauding Indians into Mexico, into the United States. But really it’s just that there is no concept of this division, this line. This is our territory and this is—going back and forth, that’s the mobility that we’re talking about. There was no acknowledgment for this border. So, when we see, even towards the areas of Coahuila and Tamaulipas and all this, we see other Natives like the Comanches, the Kiowas going into even as far into Mexico City while the [Mexicans] were trying to fight the American invasion
[into] Texas. So that is another key point that some scholars believe that made a big impact on why Mexico lost, because there was such a diversion of
resources, because the Native population —the Native groups made a real big impact. This, unfortunately, is overlooked oftentimes. So, once we get to the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo I think there’s a couple points in Article 11 that relate more or less to indigenous peoples. And that is that the United States agreed to take that responsibility of restraining Indians
into the Mexican border, within the limits of the border, and punish them for any incursions.
Also, any that were captured must be sent back, must be returned. And of course it made it unlawful for the residents in the US to purchase any materials or any goods from the Indians that came from Mexico. So this point is actually very important because as we have seen throughout documents and documentation that this didn’t work. Native peoples continued to mobilize, continued to go back and forth. There was
no acknowledgment of no border. There was no land division, because these are ancestral lands. And I think that’s what is very important, that that mobility existed. And it still exists, even though with restrictions, today. So just a little bit after Guadalupe Hidalgo,
Mexico was, of course, left in shambles, because of the political instability that was going
on within its boundaries. It was a conflict between the conservatives and the liberals,
finally resulting in the Reform War. And then, of course, facing the French invasion, which again, some of these aspects were also seen in Sonora. Many of the Yaquis actually leaned towards the French, because they offered a possibility of respecting their land, as opposed to what they had experienced by then. So you see that, again, the leverage of negotiation, where they would go to either side, as long as they promised what they needed, what they wanted to hear. Once Porfirio Díaz comes into power— the Porfiriato, and I’m skipping a lot, due to time— but when the regime begins, we see a big change. We see the force in which it comes into play. By then, President Manuel González, who was just an intermission between the Porfiriato, really, gets the social banditry that was going on during these times and really puts them into work, puts them into the federal payroll,
become soldiers. So now the Mexican government has more numbers. So, with the Porfiriato, with the regime in power, also, Sonora, at the same time, was strengthening the politics there. So we got (I don’t know if we have a slide) but we have the triumvirate, which is Ramón Corral, Luis Torres, y Rafael Izabal, together, along with Porfirio Díaz, and along with other hacendados from Yucatán, from Colima, and just other different states, devised this final solution, this final plan, in which they were starting to send Yaquis to Yucatán—being deported.
Those who were sent mostly to Yucatán, but there was other areas of Veracruz, Campeche, as far as some people, even Cuba, and we’re still looking at [inaudible] to research for that. In order to make Sonora this agricultural bliss that we often look at, is that they
needed to get the Yaquis out. Yaquis were the barrier. So in order for this order and
progress of Porfirio to succeed they had to get the Yaquis out. And this was one of the ways, execution, deportation, and force— actually force, military involvement.
So once they were captured, some of them were actually forced into the military, sent away.
Others were deported just for the plantation. So others were, of course, executed. And others were held in prison, which here we see in Hermosillo— I don’t know if many have visited Hermosillo, but where the INAH is now housed that was actually the prison that was constructed by Yaquis and, of course, they were the first prisoners there too. [pause] Just one last note, it came to be that it was recorded there was more Yaquis in Yucatán than in Sonora by the late 1900s—or, excuse me—the late 1910s, 1908. These are just pictures that we have of the deportations, how they would just gather groups whether
it’d be women, children, just everybody, and force them, in terms of walking, and overcrowded boats, and trains, and just force them out of the territory.>>Mr. Vega: So again our biggest challenge is trying to give you context as to where Yaqui people have established themselves in this area. And now I just kind of want to switch to this really—I guess we going to have to briefly touch on the impacts that it has on Yaqui people today with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. So, with this movie—and you can just go
through the slides—this is just there for the visual, just so you can take a look at some of the items that we have here. But for Yaqui people, once this treaty is going into effect, it begins to affect us not only with that mobility, but its the connection between the Yaqui peoples in Río Yaqui and in Arizona, now Arizona. So ceremony is one of the ways that helps us stay true to our identity and our vision on what we see, how we see the world around us. And now with this new border, it prevents the going back of information. It’s still happening but now it’s illegal, right? And so we see a case that in—near Nogales in the Atascosa Mountains, we have an event where the Buffalo Soldiers actually intercept a group of Yaqui people that are actually crossing that border. And I think we might have some slides on there. At first, the Yaqui people think the Buffalo
Soldiers are the Mexican Army because they’re looking at them from very far—and the Buffalo Soldiers are thinking this might be a group of Apaches. And so they enter into a brief
battle, where most of the Yaquis escape back into the mountains in the southern part of that area, in Nogales area. And only a smaller group stays to kind of hold a stance, so, giving
an opportunity to the Yaqui people to escape. And so here we can see that these are some of the images of that time. And this group here —if we remember back to what Ms. Galindo said about one of the articles in the treaty that referenced Native people having to be
sent back into Mexico—Well, if this group was sent back, they’re sure enough going to be executed
by the Mexican government. And amongst this group, there’s a very young boy of about 15
years old, who’s also fighting alongside with these men. They bring them to Tucson, Arizona. They stand trial for arms —they’re actually transporting arms back and forth. They’re given the opportunity to stay here. And many of these—it’s noted that many of these gentlemen really liked the way that —the military lifestyle with the—what do they call them? “Three hots and a cot,” or
something like that. They’re eating. They have a comfortable place to stay, and they’re not always having to look over their back as they are with this group. So, many of them want to join this division of the cavalry. And so, we look today, especially as we’re
losing elders at alarming rates due to just health issues, the language, the implications of losing the language here in Arizona. We are not able to go into Mexico very freely to come closer to those elders, come closer to the language, because of now, especially after 9/11, passports and these types of things. So it’s really limited the mobility of Yaqui people which used to
exist mostly very freely. Now, out of our membership right now, I think we’re approaching 17,000 people in the United States area I think, they’ve only issued about
600 passport cards that allow us, as Yaqui people, to access Mexico. So now, we have people, elders, that cannot visit their families. We have young people that cannot go and get closer to the language, get closer to the ceremony. We have ceremonial items —and I can attest to this—we
have ceremonial items that we’re trying to bring over to this side. Once stopped at the border, we ‘re having to put everything out on the table and to us, that’s kind of in a disrespectful way. We have to explain that only certain types of people can look at certain types of regalia
and certain types of ceremonial items. Sometimes it’s hard because even after you tell them. Say for example, when I was there, a woman still reached for something that was so precious to us and highly revered that it has us questioning how we can better work with each other. So they can recognize that this is our way and that we’ve never really had to deal with it. For Yaqui people today, it’s very difficult. These are some early pictures of Tucson showing that mobility. So we really want to express that Yaqui people are not political refugees of the early 1900s, but that we were in these areas from time immemorial, and that there are even documented accounts of the Tumacácori into the early 1730s. I have documentation of the Yaqui people of being there. Siraumea, who was one of our tribal members, he, in 1736, was able to find a huge silver deposit. It’s a really nice story to go into, but unfortunately we don’t have time today.
But just establishing the fact that we have been here from time immemorial and that mobility has always happened. Now we have this new border, so for Yaqui people it’s really difficult. I know we’re probably out of time, there are probably tons of questions or we went through it so fast, you probably didn’t get everything, but is there any questions or comments that anybody has?>>Man: [inaudible question in Spanish] Mr. Vega: [ converses with man]…He’s asking about the name Yoeme or Yaqui for us. What does it represent? What does it mean? There are a couple different ways that we spelled it up on here. “Hiaki” actually comes from the word Aki, and Aki
is organ cactus. We collect the fruits much like the way the O’odham collect the fruit off the saguaro. And, as we used to pull the fruits down, Aki, and then later on the Spanish come and they’re not able or not willing to learn how to say that. They begin to call us Yaquis, and the people that bring those out there the Yaqui people, and that’s who we are. Yoeme, which during the 80’s began to be used a lot more frequently in documentation, in newspapers and books, Yoeme refers to the people, and so Yoeme, all of us are Yoeme. We are all the people, but specifically, we are the Yaqui people so you’ll see different spellings of that. Thank you for that question. Gracias.>>Man 2: Is there still a large contingency
of Yaqui in the Yucatan?>>Mr. Vega: That’s actually one of the…
you want to talk a little bit about that?>>Ms. Galindo: Sure. There are still families that we know of that we had found. Actually we’re going to be working on this research project and going to these locations because there are still records and people actually
that… families, the descendants of Yaquis… yes, there’s still… and also in Veracruz, Campeche, and Coahuila. Pretty much a lot of the states but, yes, in Yucatán especially since that was one of the largest deportation areas.>>Man 2: The idea they just get… you seem to be scattered—Sinaloa, Sonora…>>Ms. Galindo: Right.>>Man 2: …in Yucatán, Quintana Roo, up
here. Is there an attempt to get everything together… get them together as a group?>>Mr. Vega: There’s groups of Yaqui people, as the gentleman mentioned. We’re one of the largely dispersed people. There hasn’t
been an attempt to unify us all in one place, but there is an attempt to acknowledge and
to respect that Yaqui people and communities are in existence in these different areas. But a way to unify us all, the reservation we have is very, very small, so compared to other reservations like the O’odham, we wouldn’t have a place to bring them together, but the communication is important and the respect and the understanding that they’re there and that connectivity. We actually have something right now that’s going on for the last couple of years. We also have a group of Yaqui people living in Fresno. They have created themselves as an association. And so every year our tribal government, our tribal leadership, makes it a point to send us and some ceremonial people to go down there and visit to share and to teach. And we’re also learning that in Texas, there’s another group of Yaqui people there in Texas that established themselves as an association. So perhaps that’s our next step. This could be a way of bringing us closer together.>>Man 2: The old Yaqui village was not a village in itself, but not recognized as part of a Yaqui land, it was just where the Yaquis had accumulated when they came from Mexico, where they had centered. It was under… Udall got it to move where they are now. That’s officially recognized as a reservation, is it not? Mr. Vega: Yes. The Pasqua Yaqui reservation is the fruit of the labors of the Yaqui people, and Udall’s assistance to be able to negotiate with the United States government to have that land as ours. But yes, the older communities like in Guadalupe, which is near Tempe, and Old Pascua, which is one of our highest concentrations and longest areas where Yaqui people have been living, is not identified as reservation land, but Yaqui community still.>>Man 3: Why did it take so long for the
government to recognize the Yaqui people? His last slide, which is what you’re talking
about, wasn’t until ’78.>>Mr. Vega: I think the myth that we are political refugees coming just in the early 1900’s had a lot to do with it. For Yaqui people, we
kind of believe – We’re Yaqui, and it really doesn’t matter what other people are thinking about us. But as we see our communities suffering impoverished conditions, they begin to look at sources of funding to help the people. In Old Pascua, one of the communities, people were living
with cardboard walls. There was no running water. No electricity, these types of things.
As we begin to see what other tribes have done, we begin to say, “We can establish ourselves as a historic tribe because we understand through our history and through our ways of knowledge that we do exist in this area.” And that we have the same… I guess, the same should be given to us as all of the other tribes in the area. And, so it wasn’t until the 50’s and 60’s when this talk began to come about: “Hey, let’s see… let’s petition the government to have them recognize us as a historic tribe, so that we can benefit from the healthcare and funding.”>>Man 3: So what you’re saying is essentially that there was no recognition or no dialogue between the U.S. government and the Yaqui people. So the Yaquis weren’t concerned about it and the government obviously didn’t want
to extend it because…why? Since you’re an indigenous people and all the other Native peoples had been recognized since—not forever, but obviously for a long time—and had been moved about in this nation, why is it that the Yaquis were not in a similar position,
just automatically? Some sort of recognition? I guess historically the people had lost land and wealth to the U.S. government. So was it because there was nothing that the government saw as value? Or Yaquis were sort of like “No problem,” so there was no reason to recognize them? It’s a confusing issue for me. [long pause]>>Mr. Vega: Yeah. With Ms. Galindo saying about the whole idea, you know, that political refugees, the majority of our people in Mexico, in Río Yaqui area, kind of a Mexican problem that’s now here in the United States, probably from the United States’ perspective. From the Yaqui perspective, mistrust of governments, being able to negotiate those types of things so yeah, …not an easy answer for it.>>Man: Well, thank you. [Applause]

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  1. Si mexico si tiene como comprobar que los estados unidos que robo a mexico que loregrese es como si yo tengo papel que esmio como puede robarlo tingo papel y me respalda ante la ley meshika amen amen amen

  2. Mexico saddest chapter! Mexican sorrow, to u.s. doesnt care the victims nor atrocities done to mexico. U.s. is a mercyless and brutal neighboor… And this "conference" what for?

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